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America Doesn’t Need to Choose Between China or Isolation

President Trump faces a semiconductor policy debate where experts argue America needs supply chain resilience through diverse global partnerships rather than total self-sufficiency or Chinese dependence.

AUGUST 29, 2026 AT 3:49 PM

As President Donald Trump prepares for a critical summit with Chinese leadership, the debate over America’s semiconductor supply chain has reached a pivotal moment—but the conventional framing of this challenge is deeply flawed and threatens to undermine both national security and economic competitiveness.

According to Norm Seip writing in Washington Examiner, policymakers and industry leaders are being presented with a false choice: either accept dependence on Chinese manufacturing networks for critical technologies because they offer cost and convenience, or pursue an isolationist economic nationalism that demands every chip be manufactured entirely within American borders using exclusively American supply chains.

Both options are traps, Seip argues, and embracing either would weaken America’s position as competition with Beijing intensifies—particularly in artificial intelligence and advanced semiconductor technologies.

Resilience Is Not Self-Sufficiency

The U.S. military has long understood a fundamental principle that civilian policymakers seem to have forgotten: supply chain resilience does not require total self-sufficiency. American armed forces deliberately avoid dependence on single suppliers, single factories, or even single countries. Redundancy across critical systems is built in by design, because concentrating risk in one place creates dangerous vulnerabilities.

This same strategic logic must be applied to the semiconductor ecosystem, especially as the AI memory crisis escalates. Projections indicate that demand will drive the cost of Dynamic Random Access Memory up by more than 400% between 2024 and the end of 2026.

The warning signs are already visible. Apple has reportedly begun testing memory chips from a decade-old Chinese manufacturer that has grown to become the world’s fourth-largest DRAM producer, controlling 10% of global capacity and expanding rapidly.

Beijing does not need to achieve leadership in semiconductor design to alter the strategic balance. It simply needs to build enough chip manufacturing capacity that major American companies like Apple begin calculating whether they can afford not to source from China.

The Alliance Advantage China Cannot Match

America possesses a critical strategic asset that China fundamentally lacks: a network of exceptionally capable allies with whom Washington shares not only economic interests but decades of military collaboration and deep strategic trust.

Japan and South Korea are indispensable U.S. treaty allies. They are also semiconductor superpowers making substantial investments in American manufacturing facilities and represent critical components of the memory chip supply chain both now and for the foreseeable future.

This is not a dependence to be feared but an advantage to be leveraged, Seip contends. The objective should be constructing a resilient semiconductor ecosystem spanning the United States and its closest allies, with sufficient capacity and redundancy that no adversary—or single point of failure—can threaten the American economy or military readiness.

Building While Securing

This approach offers a far more practical pathway to rebuilding American manufacturing capacity. The world’s leading memory chip companies are already directing their next major projects toward the United States, but domestic capacity cannot be conjured overnight. Chip fabrication facilities—known as fabs—demand enormous capital investment, highly specialized workforces, and intricate supplier networks.

Building this capacity must proceed steadily and strategically. During this transition period, Washington should maintain close cooperation with trusted partners whose interests and security commitments align with American priorities.

This framework becomes especially critical as the White House prepares for high-stakes discussions with Chinese leadership. Semiconductor trade management sits at the heart of this strategic competition. Export controls serve an important function when specific technologies could materially enhance Beijing’s military or intelligence capabilities. But such controls should remain strategic, targeted, and coordinated with allies—not become a justification for the fantasy that America can manufacture every component of every chip domestically.

Strategic Coordination Against Beijing

Bipartisan consensus already exists that allied coordination is essential to restricting China’s access to advanced semiconductor manufacturing equipment. The same strategic logic should apply to the positive dimension of this challenge: building an integrated American and allied semiconductor foundation capable of countering Beijing’s ambitions.

The solution is comprehensive rather than exclusionary. America should expand domestic manufacturing capacity. Washington should encourage investment and increase procurement from allied nations. Dangerous dependence on China must be reduced. And policymakers must recognize that strengthening the industrial base of America’s closest allies simultaneously strengthens American security and economic resilience.

As Trump enters negotiations with Beijing amid escalating AI competition and semiconductor tensions, abandoning the false choice between Chinese dependence and total self-sufficiency could provide the leverage Washington needs—and the security America deserves.

With information from Washington Examiner

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Eleni Papadaki-Van Der Merwe
Eleni Papadaki-Van Der Merwe

She was born in 1986 in Johannesburg, South Africa. She is the granddaughter of an immigrant from Crete who settled in the Greek community of Johannesburg (one of the largest in Africa). She holds a bachelor’s degree in International Relations and Political Science from the University of the Witwatersrand (Wits) in Johannesburg and a master’s degree in Journalism from Rhodes University in Grahamstown. She began her career at English-language media outlets in Johannesburg, covering politics and economics, with a focus on issues related to migration and the diaspora. She moved to Athens in 2015 to “return to her roots,” initially to pursue graduate studies, and has remained there permanently. She is married to an Afrikaner; they have two children and live in the southern suburbs of Athens.

As President Donald Trump prepares for a critical summit with Chinese leadership, the debate over America’s semiconductor supply chain has reached a pivotal moment—but the conventional framing of this challenge is deeply flawed and threatens to undermine both national security and economic competitiveness.

According to Norm Seip writing in Washington Examiner, policymakers and industry leaders are being presented with a false choice: either accept dependence on Chinese manufacturing networks for critical technologies because they offer cost and convenience, or pursue an isolationist economic nationalism that demands every chip be manufactured entirely within American borders using exclusively American supply chains.

Both options are traps, Seip argues, and embracing either would weaken America’s position as competition with Beijing intensifies—particularly in artificial intelligence and advanced semiconductor technologies.

Resilience Is Not Self-Sufficiency

The U.S. military has long understood a fundamental principle that civilian policymakers seem to have forgotten: supply chain resilience does not require total self-sufficiency. American armed forces deliberately avoid dependence on single suppliers, single factories, or even single countries. Redundancy across critical systems is built in by design, because concentrating risk in one place creates dangerous vulnerabilities.

This same strategic logic must be applied to the semiconductor ecosystem, especially as the AI memory crisis escalates. Projections indicate that demand will drive the cost of Dynamic Random Access Memory up by more than 400% between 2024 and the end of 2026.

The warning signs are already visible. Apple has reportedly begun testing memory chips from a decade-old Chinese manufacturer that has grown to become the world’s fourth-largest DRAM producer, controlling 10% of global capacity and expanding rapidly.

Beijing does not need to achieve leadership in semiconductor design to alter the strategic balance. It simply needs to build enough chip manufacturing capacity that major American companies like Apple begin calculating whether they can afford not to source from China.

The Alliance Advantage China Cannot Match

America possesses a critical strategic asset that China fundamentally lacks: a network of exceptionally capable allies with whom Washington shares not only economic interests but decades of military collaboration and deep strategic trust.

Japan and South Korea are indispensable U.S. treaty allies. They are also semiconductor superpowers making substantial investments in American manufacturing facilities and represent critical components of the memory chip supply chain both now and for the foreseeable future.

This is not a dependence to be feared but an advantage to be leveraged, Seip contends. The objective should be constructing a resilient semiconductor ecosystem spanning the United States and its closest allies, with sufficient capacity and redundancy that no adversary—or single point of failure—can threaten the American economy or military readiness.

Building While Securing

This approach offers a far more practical pathway to rebuilding American manufacturing capacity. The world’s leading memory chip companies are already directing their next major projects toward the United States, but domestic capacity cannot be conjured overnight. Chip fabrication facilities—known as fabs—demand enormous capital investment, highly specialized workforces, and intricate supplier networks.

Building this capacity must proceed steadily and strategically. During this transition period, Washington should maintain close cooperation with trusted partners whose interests and security commitments align with American priorities.

This framework becomes especially critical as the White House prepares for high-stakes discussions with Chinese leadership. Semiconductor trade management sits at the heart of this strategic competition. Export controls serve an important function when specific technologies could materially enhance Beijing’s military or intelligence capabilities. But such controls should remain strategic, targeted, and coordinated with allies—not become a justification for the fantasy that America can manufacture every component of every chip domestically.

Strategic Coordination Against Beijing

Bipartisan consensus already exists that allied coordination is essential to restricting China’s access to advanced semiconductor manufacturing equipment. The same strategic logic should apply to the positive dimension of this challenge: building an integrated American and allied semiconductor foundation capable of countering Beijing’s ambitions.

The solution is comprehensive rather than exclusionary. America should expand domestic manufacturing capacity. Washington should encourage investment and increase procurement from allied nations. Dangerous dependence on China must be reduced. And policymakers must recognize that strengthening the industrial base of America’s closest allies simultaneously strengthens American security and economic resilience.

As Trump enters negotiations with Beijing amid escalating AI competition and semiconductor tensions, abandoning the false choice between Chinese dependence and total self-sufficiency could provide the leverage Washington needs—and the security America deserves.

With information from Washington Examiner