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Scandalous Participation of Ferhat in Illegal TENK Elections

A Greek MP’s participation in elections of a legally banned Turkish youth group signals a troubling power play by pro-Turkish factions in Komotini, undermining state authority and fueling minority division.

Nikos Arvanitis
Nikos Arvanitis Staff Writer
MAY 18, 2026 AT 11:30 AM Updated: May 19, 2026 2:13 PM

New Demonstration of Power by Parastatal Mechanisms in Komotini: General Assembly and Elections in the Illegal “Turkish Youth” (Gümülcine Türk Gençler Birliği – GTGB) with the Provocative Participation of Özgür Ferhat

The effort to sustain and promote extralegal and illegal structures directed by the Turkish Consulate in Komotini is in full progress. The attempt to institutionally alienate the Greek State by a minority deviant group within the Minority is guided by external centers.

This atmosphere is reinforced by the Consulate’s fear of the “day after” as the pro-Consulate minor actors receive daily disapproval from the local community.

On Sunday, May 17, 2026, the regular general assembly and elections took place for the appointment of the new administrative board in the illegal and officially dissolved by the Greek courts “Union of Turkish Youth of Komotini” (Gümülcine Türk Gençler Birliği – GTGB). The event was held at the association’s clubhouse, in the presence of the leadership of the consular mechanism.

However, the fact that caused the greatest sensation and confirms the scale of the political provocation was the presence of the Rodopi MP, Özgür Ferhat, who—just one day after his official independence from Nea Aristera (New Left)—came to the ballot box of the illegal structure and proudly voted for the election of the new administrative board.

The Extralegal Presidium and Political Statements

The procedure began with the appointment of the General Assembly Presidium (Divan Kurulu), where, under the directions of the mechanism’s staff, the President was assumed by the deputy of the illegal pseudo-mufti of Komotini, Fehim Ahmet. The secretarial duties were undertaken by the General Director of PEKEM (BAKEŞ), Pervin Khairullah, and Setskin Yetimoglu, individuals who consistently support the activities of the parastatal structures.

During the reading of the report, the outgoing president, Sedat Hasan, provocatively described the illegal union as the “heart of the minority” and the “meeting point of youth,” emphasizing that it constitutes a compulsory stop for all official and unofficial visitors arriving from abroad (implying Turkey).

Next, the illegal pseudo-mufti of Komotini, Ibrahim Serif, took the floor and attempted to glorify the association’s activity (which has been judicially closed due to its use of the term “Turkish”). Ibrahim Serif once again fostered a divisive atmosphere, adopting rhetoric about the “denial and annulment of their existence” by the Greek state, while calling for rallying around the consular mechanisms, saying characteristically: “If we support this cause, we will continue to exist; if we abandon it, we will disappear.”

Quantitative Data and Election Results

After the unanimous approval of the outgoing administration’s actions, the electoral process for appointing the new members of the Administrative and Supervisory Boards followed. According to the official data from the organizers:

  • Total participation: 237 people voted (all ballots were deemed valid).
  • Re-election of President:
    Sedat Hasan secured first place and renewed his term by gathering the overwhelming majority of preferences.

Results for the Administrative Board (Candidates by number of votes):

  • Sedat Hasan: 198 votes
  • Büşra Yusuf: 136 votes
  • Serdar Hacıoğlu: 135 votes
  • Ali Süleyman: 134 votes
  • Tufan Bodur: 122 votes
  • Elif Sadık: 120 votes
  • Esma Mustafa: 113 votes

Results for the Supervisory Board (Denetim Kurulu):

  • Elif Molla İsmail Mehmet: 173 votes
  • Furkan Paşa Nasuf: 127 votes
  • Günay Kenan Ahmet: 121 votes

Editor’s Comment

The image of an active member of the Hellenic Parliament approaching and proudly voting for the appointment of an administrative board in an association whose operation has been prohibited and definitively abolished since 1983 by the Greek courts goes beyond any limit of institutional deviation.

This fact gains even greater political weight when considering that Mr. Özgür Ferhat, acting with full political autonomy, is reportedly aspiring to join the party to be established by former Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras. However, his stance creates a huge political and ethical issue for the Athenian political system itself and the new ventures it seeks to enter. How can the “ethical restart” and respect for constitutional legality coexist when a figure seeking a central role in the Center-Left legitimizes with his vote an illegal and parastatal structure?

The holding of these “elections” is not a mere social event but a well-orchestrated demonstration of power and an attempted co-governance in Thrace by a minority and shrinking group of pro-Consulate, Turkophile minor actors.

The fact that the deputy of the pseudo-mufti serves as President of the assembly, while a Greek MP rushes to support the ballot of consular incitement, proves that Mr. Ferhat’s need to satisfy local vote-seeking mechanisms overrides any institutional duty.

The rhetoric of Ibrahim Serif about a “struggle for existence” aims exclusively at maintaining these boundaries, and Mr. Ferhat, with his vote, became complicit in this effort to isolate our Muslim fellow citizens from the Greek legal order.

Source: TAXIARHISpress

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Nikos Arvanitis
Nikos Arvanitis

Nikos Arvanitis is a journalist and analyst, accredited diplomatic correspondent in Belgrade. He has been monitoring developments in Southeast Europe since 1991, manages the Thracian news website KomotiniPress, and also contributes articles to ViaDiplomacy.

New Demonstration of Power by Parastatal Mechanisms in Komotini: General Assembly and Elections in the Illegal “Turkish Youth” (Gümülcine Türk Gençler Birliği – GTGB) with the Provocative Participation of Özgür Ferhat

The effort to sustain and promote extralegal and illegal structures directed by the Turkish Consulate in Komotini is in full progress. The attempt to institutionally alienate the Greek State by a minority deviant group within the Minority is guided by external centers.

This atmosphere is reinforced by the Consulate’s fear of the “day after” as the pro-Consulate minor actors receive daily disapproval from the local community.

On Sunday, May 17, 2026, the regular general assembly and elections took place for the appointment of the new administrative board in the illegal and officially dissolved by the Greek courts “Union of Turkish Youth of Komotini” (Gümülcine Türk Gençler Birliği – GTGB). The event was held at the association’s clubhouse, in the presence of the leadership of the consular mechanism.

However, the fact that caused the greatest sensation and confirms the scale of the political provocation was the presence of the Rodopi MP, Özgür Ferhat, who—just one day after his official independence from Nea Aristera (New Left)—came to the ballot box of the illegal structure and proudly voted for the election of the new administrative board.

The Extralegal Presidium and Political Statements

The procedure began with the appointment of the General Assembly Presidium (Divan Kurulu), where, under the directions of the mechanism’s staff, the President was assumed by the deputy of the illegal pseudo-mufti of Komotini, Fehim Ahmet. The secretarial duties were undertaken by the General Director of PEKEM (BAKEŞ), Pervin Khairullah, and Setskin Yetimoglu, individuals who consistently support the activities of the parastatal structures.

During the reading of the report, the outgoing president, Sedat Hasan, provocatively described the illegal union as the “heart of the minority” and the “meeting point of youth,” emphasizing that it constitutes a compulsory stop for all official and unofficial visitors arriving from abroad (implying Turkey).

Next, the illegal pseudo-mufti of Komotini, Ibrahim Serif, took the floor and attempted to glorify the association’s activity (which has been judicially closed due to its use of the term “Turkish”). Ibrahim Serif once again fostered a divisive atmosphere, adopting rhetoric about the “denial and annulment of their existence” by the Greek state, while calling for rallying around the consular mechanisms, saying characteristically: “If we support this cause, we will continue to exist; if we abandon it, we will disappear.”

Quantitative Data and Election Results

After the unanimous approval of the outgoing administration’s actions, the electoral process for appointing the new members of the Administrative and Supervisory Boards followed. According to the official data from the organizers:

Results for the Administrative Board (Candidates by number of votes):

Results for the Supervisory Board (Denetim Kurulu):

Editor’s Comment

The image of an active member of the Hellenic Parliament approaching and proudly voting for the appointment of an administrative board in an association whose operation has been prohibited and definitively abolished since 1983 by the Greek courts goes beyond any limit of institutional deviation.

This fact gains even greater political weight when considering that Mr. Özgür Ferhat, acting with full political autonomy, is reportedly aspiring to join the party to be established by former Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras. However, his stance creates a huge political and ethical issue for the Athenian political system itself and the new ventures it seeks to enter. How can the “ethical restart” and respect for constitutional legality coexist when a figure seeking a central role in the Center-Left legitimizes with his vote an illegal and parastatal structure?

The holding of these “elections” is not a mere social event but a well-orchestrated demonstration of power and an attempted co-governance in Thrace by a minority and shrinking group of pro-Consulate, Turkophile minor actors.

The fact that the deputy of the pseudo-mufti serves as President of the assembly, while a Greek MP rushes to support the ballot of consular incitement, proves that Mr. Ferhat’s need to satisfy local vote-seeking mechanisms overrides any institutional duty.

The rhetoric of Ibrahim Serif about a “struggle for existence” aims exclusively at maintaining these boundaries, and Mr. Ferhat, with his vote, became complicit in this effort to isolate our Muslim fellow citizens from the Greek legal order.

Source: TAXIARHISpress