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News Europe

Germany’s Establishment Allies with Ex-Communists to Block Right

Germany's AfD is projected to win 42% in Saxony-Anhalt but may be excluded from power through a coalition including East Germany's communist successor party.

Dimitris Papafotis
Dimitris Papafotis Editor in Chief
SEPTEMBER 3, 2026 AT 8:56 PM

Germany’s political establishment faces a moment of reckoning this Sunday as voters in Saxony-Anhalt head to the polls, with final surveys suggesting the Alternative for Germany could secure a commanding lead while still being locked out of power through an unlikely alliance that may include cooperation with successors to East Germany’s former communist rulers.

According to René Rabeder writing in Washington Examiner, the AfD is projected to win approximately 42% of the vote in the eastern German state — nearly double the 22% expected for Chancellor Friedrich Merz’s Christian Democratic Union. Despite this significant margin, the CDU’s Sven Schulze could remain minister-president through arrangements designed specifically to exclude the Right from power.

The mechanics are entirely legal under Germany’s proportional representation system, which does not automatically grant executive authority to the largest party without a parliamentary majority. Yet the coalition arithmetic required to maintain the cordon sanitaire around the AfD would lay bare the contradictions now plaguing German democracy.

The Numbers Behind the Firewall

The final ARD polling shows the AfD at 42%, followed by the CDU at 22%, the Left at 11%, the Social Democrats at 8%, and the Greens at 6%. The AfD’s 35-year-old candidate Ulrich Siegmund would still require a coalition partner to govern, but every party likely to enter the state legislature has categorically ruled out cooperation with his movement.

The CDU, SPD, and Greens lack sufficient seats to form a government on their own. That leaves Schulze dependent on the Left party — a political formation created through merger with the successor organization to the Socialist Unity Party that ruled communist East Germany until 1989.

Merz has responded to the AfD surge by warning that victory for the Right could frighten foreign investors away from a state already competing for factories and skilled labor. While economic concerns deserve consideration, such warnings cannot replace explanations for why governing parties have hemorrhaged public support so dramatically.

Transatlantic Dimension

The Saxony-Anhalt contest has drawn attention from Washington. Elon Musk declared that only the AfD can save Germany, while Vice President JD Vance met AfD leader Alice Weidel and told the Munich Security Conference that democracy had no room for firewalls. President Donald Trump later celebrated Germany’s electoral shift as rejection of a failed agenda on immigration and energy, as senior administration officials protested German attempts to brand the AfD as extremist.

Luigi Pantisano, a national co-chairman of the Left, has indicated openness to supporting Schulze to prevent an AfD government. The CDU’s formal position rejects cooperation with both the AfD and the Left, though officials now draw careful distinctions between cooperation and accepting votes on individual measures — language expansive enough to sustain a minority government without acknowledging a formal alliance.

Voters See Through the Maneuver

The public appears to recognize the euphemism for what it represents. Only 32% support a CDU-led government backed by the Left, while 59% oppose such an arrangement. When asked to choose directly between an AfD-led government and a CDU-led government, voters split 42% to 41% in favor of the AfD.

No parliamentary democracy must automatically hand executive power to its largest party, and 42% falls short of an absolute majority. The problem emerges when a cordon sanitaire substitutes for genuine persuasion. Such arrangements allow parties that lost decisively to retain power without addressing why voters abandoned them, then frame the maneuver as defending those same voters.

The firewall strategy also reinforces the AfD’s most potent argument: that every established party ultimately belongs to a single protective cartel. A conservative premier sustained in office by the political descendants of East Germany’s communist regime would make that accusation considerably harder to dismiss. It would also leave the CDU sharing responsibility with parties whose platforms its own supporters explicitly rejected.

National Implications

Saxony-Anhalt is a modest-sized former East German state, but Sunday’s outcome will resonate across the Federal Republic. If Germany’s conservatives can preserve their firewall only by depending on the far Left, the barrier no longer separates political margins from the mainstream center. Instead, it simply determines who governs — regardless of what voters actually want.

The contradiction at the heart of contemporary German politics stands exposed: an establishment that claims to defend democracy while systematically overriding democratic preferences through backroom arrangements with parties voters decisively rejected.

With information from Washington Examiner

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Dimitris Papafotis
Dimitris Papafotis

Dimitris Papafotis is the editor-in-chief of NewsFire.GR. He was born and raised in Athens. He studied at the Journalism Workshop (1991-1993). He currently lives in Pyrgos, Ilia, where he has been active in radio and various newspapers, while also maintaining his personal blog, Papafotis.gr.

Germany’s political establishment faces a moment of reckoning this Sunday as voters in Saxony-Anhalt head to the polls, with final surveys suggesting the Alternative for Germany could secure a commanding lead while still being locked out of power through an unlikely alliance that may include cooperation with successors to East Germany’s former communist rulers.

According to René Rabeder writing in Washington Examiner, the AfD is projected to win approximately 42% of the vote in the eastern German state — nearly double the 22% expected for Chancellor Friedrich Merz’s Christian Democratic Union. Despite this significant margin, the CDU’s Sven Schulze could remain minister-president through arrangements designed specifically to exclude the Right from power.

The mechanics are entirely legal under Germany’s proportional representation system, which does not automatically grant executive authority to the largest party without a parliamentary majority. Yet the coalition arithmetic required to maintain the cordon sanitaire around the AfD would lay bare the contradictions now plaguing German democracy.

The Numbers Behind the Firewall

The final ARD polling shows the AfD at 42%, followed by the CDU at 22%, the Left at 11%, the Social Democrats at 8%, and the Greens at 6%. The AfD’s 35-year-old candidate Ulrich Siegmund would still require a coalition partner to govern, but every party likely to enter the state legislature has categorically ruled out cooperation with his movement.

The CDU, SPD, and Greens lack sufficient seats to form a government on their own. That leaves Schulze dependent on the Left party — a political formation created through merger with the successor organization to the Socialist Unity Party that ruled communist East Germany until 1989.

Merz has responded to the AfD surge by warning that victory for the Right could frighten foreign investors away from a state already competing for factories and skilled labor. While economic concerns deserve consideration, such warnings cannot replace explanations for why governing parties have hemorrhaged public support so dramatically.

Transatlantic Dimension

The Saxony-Anhalt contest has drawn attention from Washington. Elon Musk declared that only the AfD can save Germany, while Vice President JD Vance met AfD leader Alice Weidel and told the Munich Security Conference that democracy had no room for firewalls. President Donald Trump later celebrated Germany’s electoral shift as rejection of a failed agenda on immigration and energy, as senior administration officials protested German attempts to brand the AfD as extremist.

Luigi Pantisano, a national co-chairman of the Left, has indicated openness to supporting Schulze to prevent an AfD government. The CDU’s formal position rejects cooperation with both the AfD and the Left, though officials now draw careful distinctions between cooperation and accepting votes on individual measures — language expansive enough to sustain a minority government without acknowledging a formal alliance.

Voters See Through the Maneuver

The public appears to recognize the euphemism for what it represents. Only 32% support a CDU-led government backed by the Left, while 59% oppose such an arrangement. When asked to choose directly between an AfD-led government and a CDU-led government, voters split 42% to 41% in favor of the AfD.

No parliamentary democracy must automatically hand executive power to its largest party, and 42% falls short of an absolute majority. The problem emerges when a cordon sanitaire substitutes for genuine persuasion. Such arrangements allow parties that lost decisively to retain power without addressing why voters abandoned them, then frame the maneuver as defending those same voters.

The firewall strategy also reinforces the AfD’s most potent argument: that every established party ultimately belongs to a single protective cartel. A conservative premier sustained in office by the political descendants of East Germany’s communist regime would make that accusation considerably harder to dismiss. It would also leave the CDU sharing responsibility with parties whose platforms its own supporters explicitly rejected.

National Implications

Saxony-Anhalt is a modest-sized former East German state, but Sunday’s outcome will resonate across the Federal Republic. If Germany’s conservatives can preserve their firewall only by depending on the far Left, the barrier no longer separates political margins from the mainstream center. Instead, it simply determines who governs — regardless of what voters actually want.

The contradiction at the heart of contemporary German politics stands exposed: an establishment that claims to defend democracy while systematically overriding democratic preferences through backroom arrangements with parties voters decisively rejected.

With information from Washington Examiner